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2.1 Strong Verb 117 1

by Zeev Ben-Hayyim
2.1 Strong Verb 117 1 0 6 : 2 8 ) . 3 6  In SH neither of the two patterns is clearly predominant. 2.1.4.5 The existence of the two patterns stemming from a common origin with an i vowel following the second radical, like * yanqatil( u), is likely in TH insofar as Philippis Law applies to the shortened imperfect (* yanqatil), turn­ing i in a closed stressed syllable into a, for which reason forms with patah are more common in the converted imperfect, like ten, etc., in a closed sylla­ble. Otherwise the i predominates, having become a sere. Later the semantic distinction between these forms became obscure, and the patah spread beyond the limits of the converted imperfect, such as nntin in Ezek 32: 28 and the afore­mentioned Babylonian form, especially in MH. This way we can also interpret the SH forms with a( a). It may, however, be possible that the tendency to adjust the vowel of the second radical to that in the perfect ( see above 2.1.3.4) aided in the process. With Geminated Second Radical 2.1.4.6 In SH there are a number of verbs which differ in pronunciation from the usual Nifal only in the doubling of their second root consonant; in the perfect, e. g., nibbarradu msa, wnibbarraku imnm, wnissammadti vnaizm, wniqqaddasti vronpj), wniqqaddasu wipn; in the imperfect, e. g., yibbarrad nsp, yimmakkär iiw, yiqqäddäs vip, tikkabbas oasn ( Lv 13: 58), tissammadon piawn ( Dt 4: 26), wyirräggazu ιητι ( SP Ex 15: 14); in the imperative: iqqabbasu ixnpn. The Samaritan grammarians found neither in Jewish Hebrew grammar nor in Arabic grammar a verb stem to which these forms could be ascribed; they thus assigned them to Nifal, attributing to it a special type:  with geminated second radical. 2.1.4.7 This Nifal type is not the main one in the Samaritan Pentateuchal read­ing; when Abu Ishäq ( LOT I, 103) deals with this category, hardly any of his examples are from the Pentateuch. Hence, this form was common outside the language of the Pentateuch, i. e., in the vernacular. The perfect forms have coun­terparts in TH in the verbs 193JJ ( Dt 21: 8) and now] ( Ezek 23: 48), whose point­ing is simply that of the Nitpael forms common in MH. In other words: the Biblical spelling of these words relates to Nifal while the TH reading tradition of these verbs chooses the reflexive stem, linked with Piel, since Piel37  is in 3 6 Yeivin, Babylonian Vocalization, 507. 3 7 This means that regarding Biblical Hebrew,  and more specifically in the period of the writer of Deut 21: 8, one must assume that HDD was used in Qal in the sense of  forgive, just as there still are cases in the Bible of ID being vocalized in Qal: To ( Prov 9: 7; Ps 94: 10), ΟΊΟϊΟ ( Hos 10: 10). HDD was indeed still preserved in the Bible in the concrete sense of  cover: msDl ( Gen 6: 14), but in the metaphorical sense of  cover: forgiveness ( cf. Prov. 10: 12: ranKnoDnoywsVDtyi), the sense which became commonplace in the language, Qal shifted to Piel and for this reason is read Ί331 In Chapter Home  | TOC | Index t

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2.1 Strong Verb 117 1 0 6 : 2 8 ) . 3 6 In SH neither of the two patterns is clearly predominant. 2.1.4.5 The existence of the two patterns stemming from a common origin with an i vowel following the second radical, like * yanqatil( u), is likely in TH insofar as Philippi's Law applies to the shortened imperfect (* yanqatil), turn­ing i in a closed stressed syllable into a, for which reason forms with patah are more common in the converted imperfect, like ten, etc., in a closed sylla­ble. Otherwise the i predominates, having become a sere. Later the semantic distinction between these forms became obscure, and the patah spread beyond the limits of the converted imperfect, such as nntin in Ezek 32: 28 and the afore­mentioned Babylonian form, especially in MH. This way we can also interpret the SH forms with a( a). It may, however, be possible that the tendency to adjust the vowel of the second radical to that in the perfect ( see above 2.1.3.4) aided in the process. With Geminated Second Radical 2.1.4.6 In SH there are a number of verbs which differ in pronunciation from the usual Nifal only in the doubling of their second root consonant; in the perfect, e. g., nibbarradu msa, wnibbarraku imnm, wnissammadti vnaizm, wniqqaddasti vronpj), wniqqaddasu wipn; in the imperfect, e. g., yibbarrad nsp, yimmakkär iiw, yiqqäddäs vip, tikkabbas oasn ( Lv 13: 58), tissammadon piawn ( Dt 4: 26), wyirräggazu ιητι ( SP Ex 15: 14); in the imperative: iqqabbasu ixnpn. The Samaritan grammarians found neither in Jewish Hebrew grammar nor in Arabic grammar a verb stem to which these forms could be ascribed; they thus assigned them to Nif'al, attributing to it a special type: \\" with geminated second radical.\\" 2.1.4.7 This Nifal type is not the main one in the Samaritan Pentateuchal read­ing; when Abu Ishäq ( LOT I, 103) deals with this category, hardly any of his examples are from the Pentateuch. Hence, this form was common outside the language of the Pentateuch, i. e., in the vernacular. The perfect forms have coun­terparts in TH in the verbs 193JJ ( Dt 21: 8) and now] ( Ezek 23: 48), whose point­ing is simply that of the Nitpa'el forms common in MH. In other words: the Biblical spelling of these words relates to Nifal while the TH reading tradition of these verbs chooses the reflexive stem, linked with Pi'el, since Pi'el37 is in 3 6 Yeivin, Babylonian Vocalization, 507. 3 7 This means that regarding Biblical Hebrew, and more specifically in the period of the writer of Deut 21: 8, one must assume that HDD was used in Qal in the sense of \\" forgive,\\" just as there still are cases in the Bible of ID' being vocalized in Qal: To' ( Prov 9: 7; Ps 94: 10), ΟΊΟϊΟ ( Hos 10: 10). HDD was indeed still preserved in the Bible in the concrete sense of \\" cover:\\" msDl ( Gen 6: 14), but in the metaphorical sense of \\" cover:\\" forgiveness ( cf. Prov. 10: 12: ranKnoDno'ywsVDtyi), the sense which became commonplace in the language, Qal shifted to Pi'el and for this reason is read Ί331 In << Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index t
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