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1.5 Sound Changes 81

by Zeev Ben-Hayyim
1.5 Sound Changes 81 b. into qames ( I) in an open syllable [ 1] stressed, as in * ηρ&, η& ψ, wnV; [ 2] adjacent to the stress, as in TO, « ins; ( II) in a closed, stressed syllable in nouns ( the abs. state), but not in verbs: TO, ] ΓΙΟ — but - ιοψ, τη » ψ. Note: In its pausal forms the verb behaves like a noun, as in Ί& ϋ; in its construct state the noun behaves like a verb, as in iana ( 1 Kgs 20: 6). c. into hireq in a closed, unstressed syllable. This is not a fixed rule, but rather a gradually spreading trend, and is not valid in syllables closed with a guttural consonant, a geminated consonant and, elsewhere as well; its conse­quences are not significant in BH, as in rupa, niaro vs. lana, ] na, and inter­changes exist, such as naa / naa; - oVa / üsfra. d. into sewa in syllables adjacent to the stress in verb forms, such as natf, itör\\ Though there exists a choice between patah and hireq as well as between patah and qames, depending upon the parts of speech, it is clear that patah and qames originally developed as two allophones from a single phoneme, with supplementary distribution: patah in unstressed closed syllables, qames in open syllables and stressed closed syllables. In SH, too, a split into two vowels, a and a, both of which developed into independent phonemes, their distribution not dependent upon syllable struc­ture of any sort, as described above 1.5.1.3; only a faint trace of the TH rela­tionship can be discerned in various words — see 4.1.2.8. The trend of a  i mentioned in ( c) occurs ( 1) in verbal forms, but ( 2) only occasionally in nouns. Examples: ( 1) in preformatives of the imperfect Qal like yifqad ips1  * yafqud, TH  fpsp; ( b) with the nun of Nifal ( Proto- Semitic * naqtal) in imperfect and perfect, e. g., tikkaret, TH nTon-* fri; nikkarat, TH rrori ( Ex 30: 38). However, the original a is maintained in wnallädm ( Ex 1: 10) TH Drfrjj, alläem ( Ex 17: 9) TH imperative onVn, ( as against infinitive lelläem [ Ex 17: 10], le being a contraction of rr). Cf. also wnäezu imxn 2.2.1.4.1. The difference in behavior in the noun formation in this respect between SH and TH may be best demonstrated by the prefixed pattern ( see 4.2), e. g., maqdas tznpa / TH tznpa However, even here an exception exists: TH nrna ( Dt 12: 11) / SH mebär (* mibahar) as against mänäl ( Dt 33: 25) mänällek, TH T^/ ia. The possibility of a shift a  sewa ( d) in verb forms cannot be proved: the a- vowel in the sämäru, yilbäsu forms may stem from the ä of the common stage of development, and may also develop from sdwa ( see 1.3.2). 1.5.2.3 u Examples: kull-, kulli, kullanü, quds-, qums-, qudqud-, qudqud( a) kä, gulgult-, gulgulät-, yakul-, yakulti, yaqulü, wyaqum. In TH the vowel u a. survives in a closed, unstressed syllable, as in ιήο, inVaVa, ta j?; Chapter Home  | TOC  | Index

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1.5 Sound Changes 81 b. into qames ( I) in an open syllable [ 1] stressed, as in * ηρ&, η& ψ, wnV; [ 2] adjacent to the stress, as in TO, « ins; ( II) in a closed, stressed syllable in nouns ( the abs. state), but not in verbs: TO, ] ΓΙΟ — but - ιοψ', τη » ψ'. Note: In its pausal forms the verb behaves like a noun, as in Ί& ϋ; in its construct state the noun behaves like a verb, as in iana ( 1 Kgs 20: 6). c. into hireq in a closed, unstressed syllable. This is not a fixed rule, but rather a gradually spreading trend, and is not valid in syllables closed with a guttural consonant, a geminated consonant and, elsewhere as well; its conse­quences are not significant in BH, as in rupa, niaro vs. lana, ] na, and inter­changes exist, such as naa / naa; - oVa / üsfra. d. into sewa in syllables adjacent to the stress in verb forms, such as natf, itör>\\\\ Though there exists a choice between patah and hireq as well as between patah and qames, depending upon the parts of speech, it is clear that patah and qames originally developed as two allophones from a single phoneme, with supplementary distribution: patah in unstressed closed syllables, qames in open syllables and stressed closed syllables. In SH, too, a split into two vowels, a and a, both of which developed into independent phonemes, their distribution not dependent upon syllable struc­ture of any sort, as described above 1.5.1.3; only a faint trace of the TH rela­tionship can be discerned in various words — see 4.1.2.8. The trend of a > i mentioned in ( c) occurs ( 1) in verbal forms, but ( 2) only occasionally in nouns. Examples: ( 1) in preformatives of the imperfect Qal like yifqad ips1 < * yafqud, TH \\" fpsp; ( b) with the nun of Nifal ( Proto- Semitic * naqtal) in imperfect and perfect, e. g., tikkaret, TH nTon-* fri; nikkarat, TH rrori ( Ex 30: 38). However, the original a is maintained in wnallä'dm ( Ex 1: 10) TH Drfrjj, allä'em ( Ex 17: 9) TH imperative onVn, ( as against infinitive lellä'em [ Ex 17: 10], le being a contraction of rr>). Cf. also wnä'ezu imxn 2.2.1.4.1. The difference in behavior in the noun formation in this respect between SH and TH may be best demonstrated by the prefixed pattern ( see 4.2), e. g., maqdas tznpa / TH tznpa However, even here an exception exists: TH nrna ( Dt 12: 11) / SH me'bär (<* mibahar) as against mä'näl ( Dt 33: 25) mänällek, TH T^/ ia. The possibility of a shift a > sewa ( d) in verb forms cannot be proved: the a- vowel in the sämäru, yilbäsu forms may stem from the ä of the common stage of development, and may also develop from sdwa ( see 1.3.2). 1.5.2.3 u Examples: kull-, kulli, kullanü, quds-, qums-, qudqud-, qudqud( a) kä, gulgult-, gulgulät-, yakul-, yakulti, yaqulü, wyaqum. In TH the vowel u a. survives in a closed, unstressed syllable, as in ιήο, inVaVa, ta> j?; << Chapter >> Home | TOC | Index
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